Still Talking About The Essential Atiku Abubakar Atiku Abubakar He ran as a candidate for governor of the northeastern state of Adama...
Still Talking About The Essential Atiku Abubakar
Atiku Abubakar He ran as a candidate for governor of the northeastern state of Adamawa on the platform of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) on January 9, 1999, and won by a large margin. Bala Takaya, who was a veteran politician and a member of what was then called the All Peoples' Party, was his primary opponent (APP).
After that, the party changed its name to the All Nigeria Peoples' Party (ANPP). At the time, there were more than 45,000 votes between him and his main opponent, which was a huge difference. In 2019, there were only 342 votes between Aminu Tambuwal and Ahmad Aliyu in Sokoto State. But while he was waiting for his inauguration on May 29, 1999, fate changed his political path.
Olusegun Obasanjo won the presidential primary of the PDP, which was held in Jos, Plateau State, in the middle of February 1999. Obasanjo is a retired army general who was once the military head of state. Atiku Abubakar, a retired public servant, had earned his stripes as the leader of the Peoples' Democratic Movement (PDM).
Shehu Musa Yar'Adua started the pan-Nigerian political group. He did this while Obasanjo was military head of state and Obasanjo was his deputy. Atiku Abubakar was looked up to and respected by his fellow governors-elect, who deferred to him because of his experience and political smarts. After the Jo's primary, Obasanjo had to choose a running mate right away, and he decided on Atiku Abubakar
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Atiku's running mate for governor was Boni Haruna, a young political scientist whose path had crossed Atiku's several times. Haruna, for example, was the deputy managing director of "Sub-Saharan Press Ltd," the company that published The Week, a news magazine based in Lagos that Atiku started. When Atiku Abubakar left the government and went into politics, he was told to own a publication that would give him a voice in politics.
Chris Mammah, a journalist who had known Atiku for a long time, was in charge of running the organization. From this spot, Atiku chose Haruna, a Christian like Mammah, to round out his ticket for governor. By the way, Mammah is a Christian from Delta State.
After Atiku became the running mate for the president, Haruna was automatically made governor-elect. Bello Tukur, a Muslim deputy, was found for him because the ethnic and religious balance was very important. But there were rumblings of dissatisfaction and disagreement with the new status quo from both the old guard and the new political class.
There were, in fact, sponsored lawsuits that looked at what the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria said about this new way of running the government. And when the appellants were tried, Atiku stood firmly behind Haruna.
As Atiku got used to his job as vice president, his fairness and love for all Nigerians came to the fore. Like the president, some of his helpers were given to him by public service agencies. And Atiku didn't make a big deal about it. This group included Baba Gana Zanna, an ambassador and chief of protocol from Borno, and Azu Ndukwe, an experienced doctor and the vice president's chief physician from Anambra. The same was true for Abdullahi Nyako, who was the principal secretary in Adamawa, and Abdul Yari Lafiya, who was a deputy superintendent of police in Nasarawa at the time (DSP).
He was Atiku's ADC and is now an assistant inspector general of police (AIG). Mahmoud Ahmed was also in this group. He was a senior operative for the Department of State Services (DSS) and the VP's chief security officer.
In the strange way that the Obasanjo regime ran things, all presidential aides were first appointed by the president and then sent to different departments and organizations depending on the situation.
Olusola Akanmode, who was Atiku's chief of staff and was from Kogi, Chris Mammah, who was from Delta, Maxwell Gidado, a professor and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, who was from Adamawa, and Emeka Ihedioha, who was from Imo, were all Christians. He showed that he cared about women by putting Tokunbo Adeola, a Christian from Ogun State, on the National Economic and National Privatisation Councils as a special assistant. She broke up the almost all-male "cast" in the Vice President's office.
Atiku's long-time friend Nath Yaduma (Adamawa) also joined him on the special duties brief. Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo (Kogi), who was a media adviser for a while before being named managing director of the Daily Times of Nigeria Plc, was one of the PDP candidate's helpers who had different schedules. Others who worked for the VP's office included Usman Bugaje (Katsina), Hamilton Isu (Ebonyi), Ajuji Ahmed, Umar Ardo, and Butrous Pembi.
By the second term of the Obasanjo/Atiku administration, seasoned technocrats and professionals like Sam Oyovbaire, Emeritus Professor, Delta; Garba Shehu, Kano; Shima Ayati, Benue; Andy Okolie, Imo; Adeolu Akande, Oyo; and Chike Okolocha, Delta, all joined Team Atiku.
Atiku set up a rule that he and his staff would meet regularly, which they looked forward to. He and his top assistants met once a week to talk about what he did and plan for the next week. Away from his public image of seriousness and arrogance, which is often misinterpreted, Atiku is a nice, normal, friendly guy who would joke around with you and make you laugh. You wonder how he can be so many different things at once.
In January 2003, the democratic government in Adamawa State, which had been in place for four years, was going to hold the first elections of the fourth republic on its own. The governor at the time, Boni Haruna, wanted to keep his job. There were also others who wanted to do it. Atiku shocked a lot of people when he took the mic at the gubernatorial primary. People thought that with his power as governor, he could "right the wrongs" that had been done to the state in 1999 when Haruna became governor by "default."
Atiku Abubakar asked the leaders and delegates of the PDP to back Haruna's bid for a second term in office without any doubts.
He said that the country was just starting to become more democratic. He said that Haruna had done a good job during his first term and that he should be backed for his constitutionally allowed second term. Atiku said that four years were just around the corner, so those who wanted to run should keep going. People who thought that the former Vice President would give in to religious feelings were surprised. He reminded people who didn't agree with him that they could use their democratic rights to go after their goals in other political parties.
It is very important to put this precedent in the context of how badly Nigeria's ethnic and religious balance has been handled by the Muhammadu Buhari administration. At every turn, Buhari has made it clear that he hates his own people because of their religion and language.
Under him, 80% of the service and intelligence leaders in the government are from the president's part of the country. They also follow the same religion as him. All of the members of the federal executive council are substantive ministers from his own region, the northwest. These ministers are in charge of very important, maybe even "juicy," ministries.
These are finance, defense, police affairs, water resources, agriculture and rural development, aviation, justice, environment, humanitarian affairs, and disaster management. That's 10 out of 44 ministers, including the president, who is the real minister of petroleum. We also have two ministers from the south, one of whom is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), who is stuck in a small ministry, like the one in charge of labor and productivity. Buhari is in charge of making sure that all of the heads of the different parts of the government, and in some cases their deputies, follow the same religion.
Atiku has always run with other Christians when he has had the chance to carry the flag of a political party. This is because he is sensitive to Nigeria's secularism and respects it. Ben Obi and Peter Obi, both Christians from the southeast, ran with him in some of his earlier presidential campaigns.
Atiku hasn't changed at all, because he has once again chosen a southern Christian as his sparring partner. This time, it's Governor Arthur Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta State. Most of the time, there are Nigerians from all over the country hanging out with and near Atiku. Bukola Saraki, Liyel Imoke, Emeka Ihedioha, Mohammed Hayatudeen, Ben Murray-Bruce, Raymond Dokpesi, Abdul Ningi, Jide Adeniji, Ehigie Uzamere, Tunde Ayeni, Biodun Olujimi, Osita Chidoka, Babangida Aliyu, Adamu Maina Waziri, Mukhtar Shagari, Ndudi Elumelu, Timi Frank are some of those you will mostly find with him. Any way you look at it, this is pan-Nigerian.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who is Atiku's biggest opponent, has told Nigerians that we will have to deal with a same-faith presidency if he wins. The last time Nigerians had a ticket like this was on June 12, 1993, when Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola and Baba Gana Kingibe ran together.
It was a very different Nigeria, and people of all races, religions, and beliefs voted for that ticket enthusiastically and all at the same time. Nigeria is a very different place now than it was almost 30 years ago. The Buhari administration, which is now ending, has made our problems worse and made them worse. The year 2023 will be different from 1993.
Atiku Abubakar holds the promise and the key to the healing, comforting, soothing, rediscovery, and reset that Nigeria so desperately needs. This country wants and needs real reunification after being torn apart in many ways by the completely mean-spirited, insensitive, and heartless Buhari administration.
If Buhari is the only one to blame for the many problems we've had over the last eight years, wouldn't a joint ticket of candidates from the same faith makes our situation even worse?
Tunde Olusunle, Ph.D., is the Special Adviser for Media and Publicity for PDP presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar, GCON.
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